The purpose of the present study is to examine the feasibility of Turkey’s accession to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in response to the EU's procrastination in Turkey’s membership in the European Union. In recent decades, Turkey has done a great deal of work for joining European countries. The formal request of Turkey to join the European Community was presented on April 24, 1987. Turkey's accession to the European Union, on account of some contradictions and conflicts has created special complexities for the parties. A number of analysts consider its specific social and cultural structure as the fundamental barrier for accession Turkey to the European Union and with Turkey's membership, the European Union will not succeed in its identical harmonization process, and it will increase the diversity, variety and differences in the EU. The lack of necessary dynamics in Turkey's political system and society prevents it from acting as a bridge between the East and the West. Therefore, this opposition will exist as long as current variables dominate the political, cultural and social life of the two sides. Shanghai Cooperation organization as a regional organization was established in 2001. The organization, with Russia and China present, is the largest non-Western organization in the Eurasia region. The role of this organization has increased since the beginning of the third millennium in the context of regional and global developments and various analyses have been presented by experts and politicians about its goals, performance and future. Copenhagen's political criterion call for democracy, the full implementation of the rule of law, human rights, labor rights, minority rights, gender equality, participation and pluralism in Turkey. Erdogan not only distanced himself from democratic principles, but also stated that he has shared values with the Shanghai Cooperation Organization.
Abstract The purpose of the present study is to examine the feasibility of Turkey’s accession to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in response to the EU's procrastination [...]
Given the profound changes in the world of work and the increasing restrictions manifested by conditional transfer programs to overcome the intergenerational transmission of poverty, a new analytical approach to take charge of the contradictions and structural limitations of the human capital theory, but above all the recognition of a new human right, is proposed: the Universal Citizen Income (uci ) and a set of fiscal and social policies that make it viable adopting a strategy of progressiveness. It is sustained that the establishment in Mexico of the uci constitutes a lever of social transformation that would not only overcome income poverty definitively and improve income distribution substantially, but the uci also has a powerful component of emancipation for expanding freedoms and the construction of the autonomy and independence of people
Abstract Given the profound changes in the world of work and the increasing restrictions manifested by conditional transfer programs to overcome the intergenerational transmission [...]
In this article I discuss both conceptually and empirically the existence of a social norm about what is considered necessary in the field of food, and I analyze the capacity of households in Mexico City to access it. To this end, I revise the arguments that highlight the importance of food not only as a good that satisfies biological needs but also psychological and social ones, and I present some of the most relevant aspects of the theoretical debates on necessity and deprivation. The empirical analysis is based on the epasb 2009. The document concludes with some considerations on the possible social and moral implications that deprivation of goods considered necessary could have on peoples life experience.
Abstract In this article I discuss both conceptually and empirically the existence of a social norm about what is considered necessary in the field of food, and I analyze the capacity [...]
With the purpose of thinking revolutionary change, we expose certain notions oriented towards accounting for the crisis of the classical subject of the revolution and the emergence of a new way of thinking class struggle. Thus, the author begins with some concepts developed by Benjamin in his thesis on the concept of history, particularly those which allow us to see the concept of class struggle with an anti-progressive lens and to think the revolutionary subject not as part of the historical continuum, but as part of its fracture. Furthermore, he draws on Adorno’s Negative Dialectics, according to which the “system” is the negation of human liberty, hence the impossibility of thinking a society emancipated from domination when there are categories within her which are identified with the system. The developed concepts are finally articulated with the idea introduced by the Zapatista movement of an anti-capitalist subject of polymorphic and plural character, constituted by multiple struggles and subjects, for which collective dialogue is a method which allows him to establish horizontal agreements.
Abstract With the purpose of thinking revolutionary change, we expose certain notions oriented towards accounting for the crisis of the classical subject of the revolution and the [...]
The present article has as objective to establish an analysis of the problem of the reflexivity of the technological forms of life exposed by Scott Lash, through the identification of its central approaches with respect to the concept of reflection exposed in his theory of the doubles of reflective modernity. This is locate the main theses of the author on the diagnosis of the modern society in the terms of the reflexivity as one of its constituent elements, in order to characterize some of the “new forms of life” developed in the global culture of information that, among other things, are constituted by the deployment of the technological systems of computing base. This is intended to provide a typology enlarged about the technological forms of life that Lash presents only in descriptive terms, with the idea of contributing to a major sociological comprehension of certain dynamics of contemporary interaction, taking as a guiding axis two concepts linked to the work of the author: reflexivity and information structures. We review some points in common in discussions between Anthony Giddens, Ulrich Beck and Lash itself on the theory of reflexive modernization, in order to identify the starting point of the author in the description of the concept of technological lifestyles and an extension of the proposed word.
Abstract The present article has as objective to establish an analysis of the problem of the reflexivity of the technological forms of life exposed by Scott Lash, through the identification [...]
The practices of the security forces, and more specifically, the deep violent matrix that crosses, have become a privileged object in the field of knowledge production in postdictatorship Argentina. This article analyzes an edge of these modes of construction of “police violence” as an object of knowledge in the social sciences. From a theoretical and methodological coordinates that use the contributions of Michel Foucault, the article studies what is the subject-game function that unfolds in academic statements that are organized around the “police violence”, showing that while it is possible to notice enunciative dispersions, however, it is possible to find a regularity –at the same time– linked to the fact that in all of them emerge one and the same subject position: the expert on “police violence”. Finally, the article deals with potential reviews and inherent risks of a form of knowledge production that has in its core the expert figure.
Abstract The practices of the security forces, and more specifically, the deep violent matrix that crosses, have become a privileged object in the field of knowledge production in [...]
For the last two decades, the expansion of Internet access as well as the new developments of the Information Technologies (it ), have transformed the forms of management, transmission and impact of protests and political activism. The appropriation of the technical instruments by extensive publics has contributed to the appearance of horizontal networks in which frameworks of shared meanings, actions and reflections for social protests are webbed. In this article the activist network is characterized as a new type of collective actor who does not fit in the traditional definitions of social movement and who has a marked communicative dimension. Furthermore, we present a genealogy of the appropriation of the it for social causes, from the beginnings of the Internet until we reach the web 2.0 and the global action cycle which bursts in 2011 with the Arab spring, the Indignants in Spain and Occupy Wall Street in the United States, amongst others.
Abstract For the last two decades, the expansion of Internet access as well as the new developments of the Information Technologies (it ), have transformed the forms of management, [...]
As part of a comprehensive study about violence against women (VaW) and media, we used a method of content analysis of newspapers, television and radio news in Mexico in two time periods in 2011 to determine the treatment of VaW in the news. 8, 610 press news sources, 4, 719 TV news sources and 3, 855 radio news sources were classified and analyzed from a national coverage media selection. The results show that visibility in the news does not contribute to present VaW as a social problem of public interest, related to the inequality between women and men. Instead, information about individual cases prevails, without mention or analysis of the social or structural problem. Also, different treatment and degrees of importance and visibility have been identified for each media. Television is the media that least mentions the responsibilities of the State and society in the fight for eliminating violence against women.
Abstract As part of a comprehensive study about violence against women (VaW) and media, we used a method of content analysis of newspapers, television and radio news in Mexico in two [...]
In the measurement of poverty, the role of wages in the formation of household income has not been taken into account explicitly. The minimum wage arises in capitalist economies as a guarantee of a minimum level of well-being. The minimum wage established in the Mexican Constitution is linked to the satisfaction of basic needs, could well serve as threshold for poverty measurement. This article uses as income threshold for multidimensional poverty measurement the equivalent of the minimum constitutional wage. A new method for measuring multidimensional poverty is developed here: The Socio-Economic Well-being Method (swm ). Its procedures and results are contrasted with the lpmm and coneval s method. The swm identifies a very similar proportion of poor people as the lpmm . It highlights coneval s underestimation of poverty as well as the key role that the definition of thresholds and the procedures to combine dimensions play in measuring poverty.
Abstract In the measurement of poverty, the role of wages in the formation of household income has not been taken into account explicitly. The minimum wage arises in capitalist economies [...]
The levels of violence and insecurity in Mexico have grown significantly since 2006, while female deaths with presumption of homicide rose alarmingly. In this paper we will describe some contextual elements on gender-based violence against women of our diagnosis of the Northeastern region of the country (Coahuila, Chihuahua, Durango, Nuevo León, Tamaulipas and Zacatecas). We will offer some indicators of the position that women occupy in relations of power and production within the framework of the male hegemony. We will address the phenomenon of social violence in the context of the growth of criminality, public insecurity and the military presence in some of the estates of the region as a result of the declaration of the war on drugs. The evidence we present will allow us to define the context as that “specific set of cultural, economic and political situations and conditions in which it is socially possible and rationally understandable the presentation and the development of a phenomenon”.1
Abstract The levels of violence and insecurity in Mexico have grown significantly since 2006, while female deaths with presumption of homicide rose alarmingly. In this paper we will [...]
This article aims to show the main proposals of Ulrich Beck about how the technological risks function in the context of the so-called second modernity, in order to expose their implications in terms of new forms of reflexivity in complex societies. We analyze the relationship between reflexivity, scientific knowledge and epistemological pluralism to understand how technological risks, posed with an increasing force, question the authority of science, therefore leading to new areas of organization, conducive to claim various groups excluded from public discussions on scientific and technological matters. In this paper, we try to provide some important elements for analysis of current problems regarding the risks and dangers technologically produced, allowing us to locate different forms of reflexivity in contemporary social environments. Therefore, we want to show the validity of the main tenets offered on the sociology of risk and the theory of reflexive modernity in relation to notions proposed by CTS studies in philosophy of science, specifically based on the approach of post-normal science raised by Silvio Functowicz and Jerome Ravetz, who problematize, like Beck, reflective political dimension of technological risks, however, he does it with a more epistemological emphasis which appears to an interdisciplinary and dialogical horizon concerning knowledge of the risk. Making this junction between both perspectives, allow us in our view, to understand the relevance of the contributions of the sociology of risk and expand their thoughtful routes in relation to other social philosophical fields
Abstract This article aims to show the main proposals of Ulrich Beck about how the technological risks function in the context of the so-called second modernity, in order to expose [...]
The armed conflict faced by Colombian population from this last half century has produced more than five million displaced people in recent decades (near to 10% of the national population). Women and their children are an important part of this group. This paper focuses on women heads of households –which are authorities in the home and are responsible for its protection – that have been victims of forced displacement and have arrived in the city of Medellin. In particular, it focuses on the life strategies implemented by them over the years to deal with situations of violations of their rights and violence. Because of their rural origins, their low education, their numerous descendants, they must face new threats in the big city and are exposed to situations of uprooting, violence, poverty and social exclusion.
Abstract The armed conflict faced by Colombian population from this last half century has produced more than five million displaced people in recent decades (near to 10% of the national [...]
This paper discusses biopolitics, production and reproduction of the labor force, based on the interpretation of interviews carried out during 2010 with agribusiness workers, the majority of whom were women of the vi and vii regions in Chile. Beyond a diagnose of the deployment of domination technologies tatooing the bodies and subjectivities involved in food production, both industrial and domestic, we foreground sexual and gender protagonisms in the profound social, economic and political transformations implied by market economies. Chile is a country where the State was fundamentally reduced to “politics of death” during the Pinochet Dictatorship, and selectively so during the Post Dictatorial period.
Abstract This paper discusses biopolitics, production and reproduction of the labor force, based on the interpretation of interviews carried out during 2010 with agribusiness workers, [...]
The main objective of this article is to recover the notion of prefigurative politics as a potential “measuring unit” which allows for the analysis of the scopes and limitations of the innovative modes of organization and struggle put forward by the Latin-American social movements, with the purpose of confronting it with some of the concrete experiences that exist in Latin America. After defining prefigurative politics as a set of practices and social relations that, in the present moment, “anticipate” the germs of a future society, it is fundamented why this category might constitute a pertinent notion to approach this new processes, in which social movements emerge as a weighty collective actor by installing in the public agenda certain claims and demands, and influencing state institutions, but without their integration or subsumption to their government structures.
Abstract The main objective of this article is to recover the notion of prefigurative politics as a potential “measuring unit” which allows for the analysis of the scopes and limitations [...]
'''The Feasibility of Turkey’s Accession to the Shanghai Cooperation Organization in Response to the EU's Procrastination in Turkey’s Membership in the European Union''' 
